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Monday, July 27, 2026

Middle Bronze I nomads came up from the south hence they could not have been Abraham’s family

 

 


by

Damien F. Mackey

 

On the basis of my research, I would suggest that they were a people

who migrated slowly, from the south or southwest,

into the Central Negev of Palestine”.

Dr. Rudolph Cohen


 

What Dr. Rudolph Cohen wrote here, in his article:

Home > Magazines > BAR > July/August 1983

 

The Mysterious MBI People

Does the Exodus tradition in the Bible preserve the memory of their entry into Canaan?

 

is an improvement, both geographically and archaeologically, on the views of the American rabbi-archaeologist, Nelson Glueck - who had believed that the nomadic Middle Bronze I (MBI) people belonged to the age of the patriarch Abraham - and of those who have identified them as the family of Abraham. Their progression into the Negev from the S or SW is geographically opposite to that of the Abraham-ites, who had entered the land of Canaan from the north, coming from Haran (from the NE).

 

Moreover, the MBI sites are far too substantial and widespread to represent the incipient Abrahamic family.  

 

Dr. Cohen wrote:

 

In his Negev surveys, Glueck found that small MBI settlements had flourished all over the Central Negev, while the area was largely uninhabited during the prior and following periods. …. Since Negev sites like Beer-Sheva and Gerar figure prominently in the patriarchal narratives, Glueck concluded that this age must have been that of the patriarchs and that the MBI people included the patriarchal Hebrew tribes. Glueck’s hypothesis was soon adopted by Albright in his famous and controversial essay, “Abram the Hebrew.” …. 

Albright argued in this essay that the Biblical stories concerning the patriarch had their natural setting in the wide-ranging donkey caravans that conducted trade in the ancient Near East in MBI, which he dated to the early second millennium B.C.

 

The gross mis-dating of Palestinian archaeology – almost a millennium too early – by W.F. Albright and Fr. Louis-Hugues Vincent (OP), had brought the MBI people into chronological range of Abram (Abraham).

 

Dr. Cohen, while rejecting Glueck’s Abraham hypothesis, will, in his article, date the MBI to that approximate early era, to “… 2200 B.C. to about 2000 B.C.”. Yet, despite that, Dr. Cohen was able to convince Australian tour guide, Dr. David Down - who had correctly dated the MBI nomads to “about 1405 BC” - that the two were on the same page. Thus Dr. David Down (“Egal and the Exodus”):

Archive: Egal and the Exodus

 

It all started the previous year when I talked with Dr Rudolph Cohen, then head of the Israel Antiquities Authority, who holds the same view as I do on the identification of the Middle Bronze I people with the Israelites who invaded Palestine under Joshua about 1405 BC.

 

Drs. Down and Cohen were not entirely saying the same thing, however.

How could they have been, if one (Down) had accepted the MBI as the Exodus Israelites according to a close biblical estimation (1405 BC), whilst the other (Cohen) had dated those same people to half a millennium or more earlier?

 

What Dr. Cohen and Egal Israel are really saying, as one finds with deeper probing, is that the biblical Israelites are a dim memory of the real, historical MBI people. These experienced Israeli archaeologists never appear to have (had) any intention whatsoever of re-adjusting the MBI to where Dr. David Down knows they actually belong, to “about 1405 BC”.

 

I have to say at this stage that those archaeologists, who, using the same chronological system as Dr. Cohen and Egal Israel, outright deny that the Exodus ever happened, that Joshua ever existed, biblical minimisers such as emeritus professor Israel Finkelstein and his allies, are the more logical.

 

They know that there is nothing in their (albeit faulty) c. 1400 BC period that would accord with the Joshuan Conquest of Canaan. And they are prepared to admit it - whereas Dr. Cohen (and, presumably, Egal Israel) pushes the distant memory line.

 

Let us follow Dr. Rudolph Cohen through parts of his article, with some comments added wherever deemed appropriate:

 

….

One of the most obscure periods in the history of Palestine is the Middle Bronze I period (commonly referred to as MBI) which extended from about 2200 B.C. to about 2000 B.C. Who were the MBI people? We really don’t know.

 

Mackey’s comment: And you are really going to have no hope of finding out if you mis-date the MBI to c. 2000 BC.

 

On the basis of my research, I would suggest that they were a people who migrated slowly, from the south or southwest, into the Central Negev of Palestine. I would further suggest that the dim, historical memory of their journey powerfully influenced the Biblical author who described Israel’s entry into Canaan. In fact, these MBI people may be the Israelites whose famous journey from Egypt to Canaan is called the Exodus.

 

Mackey’s comment: The Biblical author was influenced by a “dim, historical memory”.

 

On one thing scholars are agreed: The pottery, the settlements, and other aspects of the material culture of the MBI people that have been uncovered over the last 50 years differ significantly from what went before in the Early Bronze period and from what followed in the Middle Bronze II period. The Early Bronze Age (c. 3150 B.C.–2200 B.C.) was characterized by a flourishing urban civilization. The same was true of the Middle Bronze Age II (c. 2000 B.C.–1550 B.C.). In MBI, however, there was a notable absence of urban settlements, although such settlements continued to flourish on the seacoast of Lebanon and Syria.

 

Mackey’s comment: Just the scenario that one would expect from a newly-arrived nomadic people.

 

….

Nelson Glueck, the American rabbi-archaeologist, believed MBI was the age of the patriarch Abraham.

 

In his Negev surveys, Glueck found that small MBI settlements had flourished all over the Central Negev, while the area was largely uninhabited during the prior and following periods.2 Since Negev sites like Beer-Sheva and Gerar figure prominently in the partriarchal narratives, Glueck concluded that this age must have been that of the patriarchs and that the MBI people included the patriarchal Hebrew tribes. Glueck’s hypothesis was soon adopted by Albright in his famous and controversial essay, “Abram the Hebrew.”3 ….

 

….

 

I have been studying the MBI sites in the Central Negev for almost two decades now. The result of this study can, I believe, elucidate some of the outstanding issues. My own conclusion is that the MBI culture must be differentiated from those both preceding and following it. MBI is, in this sense, intermediate. But I also agree with Dever that some MBI pottery types represent a continuation of Early Bronze types. In this sense I see clear connections between the MBI and the Early Bronze Age which preceded it. But other new aspects of MBI culture, including burial customs and social structure, imply a new ethnic element.

 

Thus, the MBI culture is also intrusive; migrating peoples who destroyed the existing urban centers must be involved.

 

Mackey’s comment: This reads like a description of the Joshuan Conquest, the “new ethnic element”.

 

But this new ethnic element was neither Amorite nor “Kurgan” peoples who supposedly came from the north and east. In my view, the new MBI population came from the south and the Sinai, the route of the Israelites on that journey known as the Exodus. This is a new hypothesis published here for the first time. I think the latest evidence supports it. Let us look at this evidence, especially the geographic and archaeological discoveries of the last five to ten years.

 

Literally hundreds of MBI sites have been surveyed in the Central Negev10; many have been recently excavated. As a result, certain generalizations can now be made. The MBI sites in the Central Negev were regularly established on the summits or slopes of high hills, and sometimes on comparatively low hills. Rarely are remains of settlements found in valleys. The sites are widely scattered throughout the Central Negev. Nevertheless, there is a large concentration of sites along the geomorphic line that runs from the Kadesh-Barnea region to north of Dimona. ….

….

 

In 1973, I conducted three weeks of further excavations at this site. …. I was principally concerned with clarifying the relationship between the two strata uncovered by Kochavi and with determining whether a pre-MBI settlement had occupied the site. ….

….

We were able to determine almost the entire settlement groundplan: it consists of some 150 circular rooms. The basic building type is a unit comprising round and rectangular dwelling rooms and smaller installations arranged around a common central courtyard.

 

A single room can serve as an example of the Be’er Resisim groundplan. It is round (about ten feet across) with a central pillar that apparently supported the roof. The roof itself was formed by spanning wooden beams radially from the top of this pillar to the encircling walls, and then placing flat stone slabs over the scaffolding. The slabs were covered with mud or lime. Scattered on the floor made of small stones and beaten earth were typical MBI potsherds. Beneath this floor-level, on the natural rock, we found sherds from the Early Bronze Age II in a thin ash layer, again a critical finding. We found rooms like this, with minor variations, over and over again. Between the units were open-air enclosures used principally for food preparation, as we know from the remains of cooking pots and animal bones, mostly sheep and goat.

 

Apart from pottery, the other artifacts included grinding stones (sometimes of Aswan granite), fragments of ostrich egg shells, Red Sea conches (and the ornaments fashioned from them), “Canaanean” blades … and innumerable flint chips, and (in one building) a hoard of two copper ingots and a copper dagger. Smaller individual buildings as well as cairns (stone piles) were excavated in the area.

 

Mackey’s comment: Note the Egyptian elements, Aswan granite, ostrich shells.

 

….

The basic architectural arrangement, comprising round and rectangular rooms around a common central courtyard, repeats that found in the other two major sites and is generally characteristic of the Middle Bronze Age I. The excavations conducted here also confirm a general pattern I had previously noted from other excavations I conducted at MBI sites. …. The MBI structures had been erected over the remains of EBII settlements.

….

Who were these MBI people? How is their culture to be understood? I would like to suggest an answer.

….

 

The MBI peoples apparently had few technical traditions of their own and adapted those they found in use among the settled population they conquered. Naturally, they adapted the EBII forms to their own way of life, and the result was the characteristic MBI vessels, which recall the earlier models but employ different techniques and decoration.

This hypothesis, of course, contradicts the prevailing assessment, which describes the MBI sites in the Central Negev as a movement that came from the north. It is interesting, however, to note that this migratory drift, as I have reconstructed it, bears a striking similarity to that of the Israelites’ flight from Egypt to the Promised Land, as recorded in the book of Exodus. The concentration of MBI sites in the relatively fertile district east of Kadesh-Barnea recalls the tradition that the Israelites encamped near this oasis for 38 of their 40 years of wandering after leaving Egypt (Deuteronomy 1:46). If the EBII communities were still flourishing in the Negev and Sinai at the time of this MBI incursion, then the capital city of EB Arad with its satellites in the desert no doubt formed a kind of league like that of the Canaanite king of Arad, described in Numbers 21:1, and like that of the Amalekites in Exodus 17:8–13. Both no doubt offered fierce resistance to the northward-advancing MBI Israelites. The establishment of the MBI settlements directly over the ruins of the EBII–EBIII sites in the Central Negev is consistent with the tradition that the Israelites dwelled in the area previously inhabited by their Amalekite foes (Deuteronomy 25:17–19). The northeastward migration of the MBI population into Transjordan has parallels in the Biblical recollection that the Israelites remained in Moab before crossing the Jordan River and laying siege to Jericho (Deuteronomy 3:29). In this connection, it is interesting to note that Early Bronze Age Jericho was destroyed by a violent conflagration, and the site was thinly reoccupied by MBI newcomers, who were apparently unaccustomed to urban dwellings.

 

In the central and northern parts of Israel, the EBIII urban culture flourished. The MBI invaders in the south overwhelmed this urban Canaanite civilization and destroyed their cities but thereafter persisted in a semi-nomadic way of life. This bears a striking similarity to the tradition of Joshua’s devastating campaign against the Canaanite centers in central Palestine and his ban on rebuilding some of them (e.g., Joshua 8:28).

 

Both Jericho and Ai were fortified cities at the end of the Early Bronze Age. According to the Biblical account, they were both destroyed by the Israelites; God specifically instructed that these cities should not be rebuilt.

 

Interestingly enough, after the EBIII destruction of Jericho and Ai, both cities lay in ruins for hundreds of years.

 

Having successfully taken over Palestine, the MBI tribes were profoundly influenced by the mores of the people they conquered, and many of their artifacts and customs have their origin in the Early Bronze Age.

 

I do not necessarily mean to equate the MBI people with the Israelites, although an ethnic identification should not automatically be ruled out. But I am suggesting that at the very least the traditions incorporated into the Exodus account may have a very ancient inspiration reaching back to the MBI period. ….

 

Mackey’s comment: That “dim, historical memory” again.

 

The Mysterious MBI People - The BAS Library

 

 

Friday, July 17, 2026

Judith as Gurdi who slew the Assyrian commander

 



 

by

Damien F. Mackey

  

What I think are certainties

 

First certainty.

Whether or not one believes that the Book of Judith is a genuine historical account, what is certain, so I think (and others do, too), is that Charles C. Torrey – who did not believe that the book was meant to be considered as historical – has shown beyond any shadow of doubt that the author of the Book of Judith had in mind the highly strategic city of Shechem when he told about the heroine Judith’s city of “Bethulia” (his “BetylÅ«a”).

 

Just read his account of it in which he establishes “Bethulia”, north, south, east and west, as Shechem:

 

The Site of ‘Bethulia’

Charles C. Torrey

Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 20 (1899), pp. 160-172 (13 pages)

 

The name “Bethulia” (“BetylÅ«a”) can be accounted for as the northern Bethel of Israel’s King Jeroboam I. For, as Dr. John Osgood has explained it: Techlets · Creation.com W. Ross in Palestine Exploration Quarterly (1941), p.22–27 reasoned, I believe correctly, that the Bethel of Jeroboam must be Shechem, since it alone fills the requirements”. 

 

And the following site has accepted Charles C. Torrey’s identification of Judith’s “Bethulia” with Shechem: Bethulia Explained

“It has widely been speculated that, based on location descriptions in the book, that the most plausible historical site for Bethulia is Shechem. Shechem was a large city in the hill-country of Samaria, on the direct road from Jezreel to Jerusalem, lying in the path of the enemy, at the head of an important pass and is a few hours south of Geba. Both Charles Cutler Torrey and The Jewish Encyclopedia subscribe to this theory. …. the Jewish Encyclopedia claims that Shechem is the only location that meets all the requirements for Bethulia's location, further stating: "The identity of Bethulia with Shechem is thus beyond all question". …. Torrey pointed out that the description of water being brought to the city by means of an aqueduct from a spring above the city on the south side is a trait that can only belong to Shechem. …”.

 

My second certainty is that the 182,000-plus Assyrian army that came up against “Bethulia” and its environs (Judith 7:2):

 

That same day their troops went into action, an army numbering

one hundred and seventy thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry,

not to mention the baggage train and the foot soldiers charged with its maintenance—an immense multitude.

 

could only have been Sennacherib’s ill-fated 185,ooo (cf. 2 Kings 19:35).

 

And this leads me to a third certainty.

 

Sennacherib must be the “King Nebuchadnezzar … ruling over the Assyrians from his capital city of Nineveh” of Judith 1:1.

 

In other words, the Book of Judith is set in the late neo-Assyrian era, and not the Chaldean era of King Nebuchednezzar ‘the Great’ (and, a fortiori, it can have nothing to do with the Maccabean age).

 

The insertion into the text of the name “Nebuchadnezzar” is indeed unfortunate, and confusing, but has been satisfactorily explained by Dr. Stephanie Dalley of Oxford University’s Oriental Institute, author of the fascinating book, The Mystery of the Hanging Garden of Babylon (2013), according to whom the ancients commonly confused Sennacherib of Nineveh with Nebuchednezzar of Babylon. 

 

My fourth certainty is that Sennacherib was the same as Sargon II, as I argued at length in my university thesis (2007), and have since done in various other articles, e.g.:

 

Assyrian King Sargon II, Otherwise Known As Sennacherib

 

https://www.academia.edu/6708474/Assyrian_King_Sargon_II_Otherwise_Known_As_Sennacherib?sm=b&rhid=41435406210

 

And that makes me certain about another thing, too, my fifth.

 

The heavily bracketted neo-Assyrian eponym entry:

 

“The king [against Tabal....] against EÅ¡pai the Kulummaean. [......]

The king was killed. The camp of the king of Assyria [was taken......].

On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son [of Sargon, took his seat on the throne]”.

 

Eponym Cb6

 

to which Assyriologists took the liberty of adding the name “Sargon”, is wrong in (a) separating Sargon from Sennacherib, and (b) having Sargon killed in this campaign.

 

He was not.

 

Sargon, as Sennacherib, was murdered some time after this disaster for Assyria, assassinated by two of his own sons (cf. Tobit 1:21): “But not fifty days passed before two of Sennacherib’s sons killed him, and they fled to the mountains of Ararat”. 

 

Certainty number six.

Eponym Cb6 above could only be describing the prelude to the rout of the 185,000 Assyrians, when Judith slew the Assyrian commander-in-chief, and the Assyrian “camp” was overrun. The title “king” would be applicable to the commander-in-chief, who had been appointed by Sennacherib as King of Babylon.

Isaiah 10:8: “‘Are not my commanders all kings?’ he says”.

He was Sennacherib’s oldest son, Ashur-nadin-shumi, the Crown Prince, the treacherous “Nadin” (Nadab) of the Book of Tobit:

 

“Nadin” (Nadab) of Tobit is the “Holofernes” of Judith

 

(12) "Nadin" (Nadab) of Tobit is the "Holofernes" of Judith

 

The name “Holofernes” appears to be, like “Nebuchadnezzar”, another of those unfortunate confusing of names.   

 

Ešpai the Kulummaean

 

In my consideration of how to fit Eponym Cb6’s names, “EÅ¡pai the Kulummaean”, into the Book of Judith’s scheme of things, as I think these, now, must inevitably be fitted, I had come to the conclusion, in my most recent article: 

 

Assyriology has Sargon II dying during Tabal campaign – except that he didn’t

 

(12) Assyriology has Sargon II dying during Tabal campaign – except that he didn’t

 

that EÅ¡pai, or Ushpia, could only have been Israel’s prince-commander, “Uzziah”, that is, Isaiah, appointed by King Hezekiah over places such as “Bethulia” and Chelmon (hence “the Kulummaean”), where the Assyrian Wehrmacht would shudder to a halt (Judith 7:3, Douay): “All prepared themselves together to the fight against the children of Israel, and they came by the hill side unto the top, which looketh toward Dothaim, from the place which is called Belma unto Chelmon, which is against Esdrelon”.

 

It now becomes a seventh certainty that the one who killed the Assyrian commander (supposedly, but not, Sargon), Gurdi of Kulumma[n], was Judith herself – the only one who did actually slay Assyria’s commander-in-chief:

Sargon II - Wikipedia

Sargon's final campaign ended in disaster. Somewhere in Anatolia [sic], Gurdî of Kulumma, an otherwise poorly attested figure, attacked the Assyrian camp. …. Gurdî has variously been assumed to have been a local ruler … or a tribal leader of the Cimmerians [sic], during this time allied with the rebels in Tabal. …. In the ensuing battle, Sargon was killed. The Assyrian soldiers fleeing from the attack were unable to recover the king’s body. ….

 

The unexpected death of Sennacherib’s Crown Prince son (here wrongly given as Sargon himself) rocked Sennacherib to his superstitious core:

Sargon II - Wikipedia

 

Sargon forgotten

 

Sargon's legacy in ancient Assyria was severely damaged by the manner of his death; in particular, the failure to recover his body was a major psychological blow for Assyria.[16] The shock and theological implications plagued the reigns of his successors for decades.[133] The ancient Assyrians believed that unburied dead became ghosts that could come back and haunt the living.[16][108] Sargon was believed to be doomed to a miserable afterlife; his ghost would wander the Earth, eternally restless and hungry.[10][133] Soon after the news of Sargon's death reached the Assyrian heartland, the influential advisor and scribe Nabu-zuqup-kena copied Tablet XII of the Epic of Gilgamesh.[16] This tablet contains a section eerily similar to Sargon's death, with the miserable implications described in detail,[e] which must have left the scribe stunned and distressed.[16] In the Levant, Sargon's hubris was mocked. It is believed that a foreign ruler chided in the Biblical Book of Isaiah is based on Sargon.[16]

 

Sennacherib was horrified by his father's death. The Assyriologist Eckart Frahm believes that Sennacherib was so deeply affected that he began suffering from posttraumatic stress disorder.[118] Sennacherib was unable to acknowledge and mentally deal with what had transpired.[143] 

 

Sargon's dishonorable death in battle and his lack of a burial was seen as a sign that he must have committed some serious and unforgivable sin that made the gods completely abandon him.[144] Sennacherib concluded that Sargon had perhaps offended Babylon's gods by taking control of the city.[145]

 

Wednesday, July 15, 2026

Assyriology has Sargon II dying during Tabal campaign – except that he didn’t

 



by

Damien F. Mackey

 

 

“The king [against Tabal....] against EÅ¡pai the Kulummaean. [......]

The king was killed. The camp of the king of Assyria [was taken......].

On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son [of Sargon, took his seat on the throne]”.

 

Eponym Cb6

  

There are some assumptions here, not all facts - so much so that this really constitutes something of an Assyriological scandal.

 

As I wrote about it in my university thesis (2007), Volume One, pp. 137-138:

 

….

Another seemingly compelling evidence in favour of the conventional chronology, but one that has required heavy restoration work by the Assyriologists, is in regard to Sennacherib’s supposed accession. According to the usual interpretation of the eponym for Nashur(a)-bel, (705 BC, conventional dating), known as Eponym Cb6, Sargon was killed and Sennacherib then sat on the throne:[1]

 

The king [against Tabal....] against Ešpai the Kulummaean. [......] The king was killed. The camp of the king of Assyria [was taken......]. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son [of Sargon, took his seat on the throne].

 

Tadmor informs us about this passage that: “Winckler and Delitzsch restored: [MU 16 Å arru-ki]n; ana Ta-ba-lu [illik]”. That is, these scholars took the liberty of adding Sargon’s name.

 

Jonsson, who note has included Sargon’s name in his version of the text, gives it more heavily bracketted than had Tadmor:[2] “[Year 17] Sargon [went] against Tabal [was killed in the war. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son of Sargon, sat on the throne]”.

This document will become hugely significant in the context of this thesis.

 

And I continued on:

 

Returning to Olmstead’s discussion of the cylinders, we might note the degree of guesswork involved, as evidenced by his thrice successive use of the phrase “must have”:[3]

 

In comparing the texts of A-C and B, we note that in the first part, there seem to be no important differences, save that B adds an account of the accession. In the broken part before this, B must have given the introduction and the murder of Sennacherib.

 

Computation of the minimum in each column of B, based on the amount actually preserved in A and C, will give us some idea of what has been lost. Column II of B must have been devoted in part to the final defeat of the rebels and in part to the introduction to the long narrative concerning Nabu zer lishir. As at least four lines were devoted to this introduction in the usually much shorter D, it must have been fairly long in B. Why A omitted all this is a question. That these two events are the first in the reign is made clear by the Babylonian Chronicle, so that thus far the chronological order has been followed.

 

What one cannot help but noticing in every case of what I have deemed primary evidence is that bracketting is always involved. Prism S, the most formidable testimony, has the word “(grand)son” in brackets. In Prism A, the entire titulary has been square bracketted, which would indicate that Assyriologists have added what they have presumed to have been in the original, now missing. And, in the case of Eponym Cb6, an un-named king is presumed to have been Sargon.

 

Luckenbill, in his introduction of the Khorsabad texts of Sargon II, has discussed the inadequacies of Winckler’s edition, contrasting it with Lyon’s version:[4]

 

Lyon’s work is a model of accurate, painstaking scholarship. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said of Winckler’s edition of the Sargon texts. With nothing more than Botta-Flandin for comparison, it was possible to show that Winckler’s texts are far from what they might have been. When the long text recounting the events of the eighth campaign (§§ 140 ff.) became available for comparison with Winckler’s text of the Annals for the year 8, our complacent belief that we had a text that was “nearly final” was rudely shattered. A new edition of the Sargon texts is greatly to be desired.

 

It was customary for the Assyrian kings to record their titulary back through father and grandfather. There are ‘two’ notable exceptions in neo-Assyrian history: interestingly, Sargon II and Sennacherib, who record neither father nor grandfather. Russell’s explanation for this omission is as follows:[5]

 

In nearly every other Assyrian royal titulary, the name of the king was followed by a brief genealogy of the form “son of PN1, who was son of PN2,” stressing the legitimacy of the king. As Tadmor has observed, such a statement never appears in the titulary of Sennacherib. This omission is surprising since Sennacherib was unquestionably [sic] the legitimate heir of Sargon II. Tadmor suggests that Sennacherib omitted his father’s name either because of disapproval of Sargon’s policies or because of the shameful manner of Sargon’s death ....

 

This may be, but it is important to note that Sargon also omitted the genealogy from his own titulary, presumably because, contrary to this name (Sargon is the biblical form of Å arru-kên: “the king is legitimate”), he was evidently not truly the legitimate ruler.

 

Perhaps Sennacherib wished to avoid drawing attention to a flawed genealogy: the only way Sennacherib could credibly have used the standard genealogical formulation would have been with a statement such as “Sennacherib, son of Sargon, who was not the son of Shalmaneser”, or “who was son of a nobody”, and this is clearly worse than nothing at all.

[End of quotes]

 

The true historical scenario hidden behind this heavily bracketed Eponym Cb6 may be one quite different from what has been so carelessly presented by the Assyriologists.

Let us attempt to re-think this vital document,

 

Clearing out assumptions and inaccuracies

 

Tabal (presuming that it even figures here) is taken to have been in SE Anatolia:

 

However, there may have been more than one Tabal (or Dabal), one in southern Syria:

Tabal (region) - Wikipedia

 

Due to the absence of the name Tabal or any other name similar to it in native Central Anatolian sources of the Iron Age and the lack of its attestation to designate this area in Old and Middle Assyrian sources, this name tends to be considered by historians to have been an exonym given to the region by the Neo-Assyrian Empire. ….

 

…. The name Tabal appears to have been a widely used one, since a location sharing this name is recorded from southern Syria …. 

 

So, the Assyrian campaign in question may not have been in Anatolia at all, but much further south.

The intriguing information, “… against EÅ¡pai the Kulummaean”, ought to focalise it all, geographically, if only we can know about either “Kulummaean” or “EÅ¡pai”, or both.

 

Apart from the geographical uncertainties, there is nothing to indicate that Sargon II was even leading this campaign. “Winckler and Delitzsch restored: [MU 16 Å arru-ki]n; ana Ta-ba-lu [illik]”. That is, these scholars took the liberty of adding Sargon’s name”.

 

We do not know, therefore, who “was killed”, or which Assyrian commander’s “camp” was taken.

 

Nor does Sennacherib ever record in his titulary that he was the son of Sargon II.

In fact, in my thesis I argued in detail for Sargon II and Sennacherib as being the one and same neo-Assyrian king.

Since then I have written articles such as:

 

Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap

 

(4) Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap

 

If this be the case, then Sargon II definitely was not the Assyrian who “was killed” during this campaign, the one whose “camp” was taken.

 

The only certainty in the whole thing is that it occurred during the time of Sennacherib.

 

That fact, however, coupled with Assyria suffering a catastrophic defeat, and actually losing its camp to an enemy, narrows it all right down.

The only time that Sennacherib suffered a major defeat was when his army of 185,000 was routed during its march towards Jerusalem – not Pelusium, in Egypt (Herodotus).

 

And this happened, according to the Book of Tobit, not long before Sennacherib’s assassination (Tobit 1:18, 21):

And if Sennacherib the king put to death any who came fleeing from Judea, I buried them secretly. For in his anger he put many to death.

….

But not fifty … days passed before two of Sennacherib’s sons killed him, and they fled to the mountains of Ararat. ….

 

Tobit, and the historical books of the Bible, can tend to telescope Sennacherib’s campaigns against Israel in such a way that can be, at times, highly confusing.

 

Sennacherib’s Third Campaign, when he first came up against Jerusalem, was a total success for him and for Assyria. The Assyrian king destroyed all the forts of Judah, “he took away the covering of Judah” (Isaiah 22:8), and he then laid siege to Jerusalem, forcing King Hezekiah to strip the Temple of its treasures as tribute (2 Kings 18:16).

Many Jews were taken into exile:

King Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah and the Unsuccessful Siege of Jerusalem: A Reassessment of Scripture, Royal Annals, and Archaeology - Updated American Standard Version

“Sennacherib’s prisms—preserved in multiple copies … recount Judah’s devastation and Hezekiah’s humiliation yet never claim that Jerusalem fell. One representative edition reads: “As for Hezekiah, the Jew, who did not submit to my yoke, I besieged forty-six of his strong, walled cities and the smaller towns in their vicinity, conquering them … I shut him up like a bird in a cage in Jerusalem, his royal city. I set up blockades around him and made him dread leaving his city gate”.” 

 

The King of Assyria would lift the siege only when he learned that the mighty pharaoh of Ethiopia (Cush), Tirhakah, was marching against him.

 

2 Kings 19:9-13:

 

Now Sennacherib received a report that Tirhakah, the king of Cush, was marching out to fight against him. So he again sent messengers to Hezekiah with this word: ‘Say to Hezekiah king of Judah: Do not let the god you depend on deceive you when he says, ‘Jerusalem will not be given into the hands of the king of Assyria’. Surely you have heard what the kings of Assyria have done to all the countries, destroying them completely. And will you be delivered? Did the gods of the nations that were destroyed by my predecessors deliver them—the gods of Gozan, Harran, Rezeph and the people of Eden who were in Tel Assar? Where is the king of Hamath or the king of Arpad? Where are the kings of Lair, Sepharvaim, Hena and Ivvah?’

 

This was standard military practice.

King Nebuchednezzar would likewise temporarily lift the siege of Jerusalem when Egypt was threatening to intervene (Jeremiah 37:11): “After the Babylonian army had withdrawn from Jerusalem because of Pharaoh’s army …”.

 

These Great Kings had other fish to fry, anyway, but they would intend to come back later to finish the Job – which Sennacherib would fail to achieve, but Nebuchednezzar would not.

 

Now, many confuse Sennacherib’s highly successful Third Campaign for the one when Jerusalem was mightily delivered by the angel from the 185,00-strong Assyrian army.

That can be due to the biblical telescoping as referred to above.

 

It definitely was not the same campaign!

 

How could it have been?

All the things that the prophet Isaiah proclaimed that the blasphemous Sennacherib would not manage to do (Isaiah 37:33): “Therefore this is what the LORD says concerning the king of Assyria: ‘He will not enter this city or shoot an arrow here. He will not come before it with shield or build a siege ramp against it’,” Sennacherib had so mightily achieved during his Third Campaign.

 

Isaiah 1o:5-11:

 

Ah, Assyria, the rod of my anger;
the staff in their hands is my fury!
Against a godless nation I send him,
and against the people of my wrath I command him,
to take spoil and seize plunder,
and to tread them down like the mire of the streets.

But he does not so intend,
and his heart does not so think;
but it is in his heart to destroy,
and to cut off nations not a few;
For he says: ‘Are not my commanders all kings?

Is not Calno like Carchemish? Is not Hamath like Arpad? Is not Samaria like Damascus?
As my hand has reached to the kingdoms of the idols, whose carved images were greater than those of Jerusalem and Samaria,
shall I not do to Jerusalem and her idols
as I have done to Samaria and her images?’

Zoning in on the geography

 

Isaiah as Uzziah, stationed at “Bethulia” - that is, the northern Bethel (Shechem) - was referring to what would happen in the future, when the armies of Sennacherib would return for their second bite at Jerusalem.

 

Previously I had written about this great prophet:

 

Isaiah himself, who was (as Uzziah in Judith) a prince: “… the prince of Juda[h]” and “the prince of the people of Israel” (Judith 8:34; 13:23: Douay), must have been amongst those “captains of war” whom King Hezekiah placed in charge of Judah’s defences (2 Chronicles 32:6). Isaiah would have well known Shechem (“Bethulia”) in the north from his father’s sojourn there, and from his own experience in the northern kingdom as the prophet Hosea.

 

The story of this ill-fated Assyrian campaign is fully recounted in the Book of Judith.

 

The armies of Assyria would not manage to get past Balbaim and Chelmon in the north.

Jerusalem, this time, would be untouched – just as Isaiah had promised.

 

Wait a minute. Did I just mention a Balbaim and a Chelmon?

This was the Assyrian army’s last stopping point before Judith’s heroic intervention.

 

Balbaim is variously called Belma; whilst Chelmon is variously called Cyamon.

Here are the relevant texts (Judith 7:3):

 

[The Assyrians] encamped in the valley near Bethulia, beside the spring, and they spread out in breadth over Dothan as far as Balbaim and in length from Bethulia to Cyamon, which faces Esdraelon.

 

(Douay version): All prepared themselves together to the fight against the children of Israel, and they came by the hill side unto the top, which looketh toward Dothaim, from the place which is called Belma unto Chelmon, which is against Esdrelon.

 

Now, don’t these two place names, Balbaim (Belma) and Chelmon (Cyamon), look somewhat like, respectively, the Tabal and Kulummaean (especially), of the disputed Assyrian record?

 

And doesn’t the name EÅ¡pai (the Kulummaean) look very much like that of Israel’s leader in the region, Uzziah – the great prophet Isaiah himself?

 

In my thesis (2007), I wrote on this, with an eye, perhaps, to connecting the Ešpai of the Assyrian record with Uzziah (Isaiah) of the Book of Judith (Volume Two, p. 83):

 

Who were the Kulummaeans?

 

As for the “identification of the Kulummaeans”, the last people against whom the hapless Assyrian king had marched before his demise, these can be plausibly identified with the inhabitants of a town that we had previously encountered in [the Book of Judith] BOJ (Douay version). I refer to ‘Chelmon’ (7:3) (Cyamon in the Greek). Chelmon was the very last place to which the Assyrian host did in fact march before its rout. The fact that this town (perhaps), and not Bethulia (or Bethel), is mentioned in the Assyrian records - though the record is admittedly fragmentary - may be an indication that the Assyrian army was attacking on a front wider than was now of interest to the author of BOJ.

The name ‘EÅ¡pai’, given in the Assyrian records as, presumably, the chief of the Kulummaeans (Chelmonians), has a strong resemblance to Ushpia, which name [Herb] Storck has equated linguistically with both Ishbak and Aushpia.[6] There might even be considered now the possibility - given that Uzziah of BOJ was, as we saw, “the prince of Judah” and “the prince of the people of Israel” - that Uzziah was this very EÅ¡pai/Ushpia. That is, according to my reconstruction, the great Isaiah himself!

 

Compare the name Ush[p]ia with the name Uzziah.

 

Thanks to the heroic Judith, who the Church considers to be a marvellous prefigurement of the Immaculate Virgin Mary, the haughty Assyria would suffer a spectacular fall - a warning to the proud and self-sufficient leaders and nations of our own day.

 

Isaiah 1o:12-19:

 

When the Lord has finished all his work on Mount Zion and on Jerusalem, he will punish the speech of the arrogant heart of the king of Assyria and the boastful look in his eyes.
For he says: ‘By the strength of my hand I have done it, and by my wisdom, for I have understanding; I remove the boundaries of peoples, and plunder their treasures; like a bull I bring down those who sit on thrones.
My hand has found like a nest the wealth of the peoples; and as one gathers eggs that have been forsaken, so I have gathered all the earth; and there was none that moved a wing or opened the mouth or chirped’.

 

Does the ax raise itself above the person who swings it,
    or the saw boast against the one who uses it?
As if a rod were to wield the person who lifts it up,
    or a club brandish the one who is not wood!

Therefore, the Lord, the Lord Almighty,
    will send a wasting disease upon his sturdy warriors;
under his pomp a fire will be kindled
    like a blazing flame.

 

The Light of Israel will become a fire,
    their Holy One a flame;
in a single day it will burn and consume
    his thorns and his briers.

 

The splendor of his forests and fertile fields
    it will completely destroy,
    as when a sick person wastes away.

And the remaining trees of his forests will be so few
    that a child could write them down.

 



[1] H. Tadmor, ‘The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur’, p. 97.

[2] ‘The Foundations of the Assyro-Babylonian Chronology’, p. 21.

[3] Op. cit, ibid.

[4] Op. cit, pp. 1-2, with reference to D. Lyon’s Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons … (1883).

[5] Sennacherib’s Palace Without Rival at Nineveh, p. 243.

[6] ‘The Early Assyrian King List’, p. 69.